It is power not democracy

The main symptom of the serious disease that affects our “social corpus” is manifested through crowds (which in post-pandemic times are defined “per se” as subversive) from various sectors, which with all reason and justice, self-styled “town”and that they act demonstrating in the streets, in the places, today besieged, restricted from the public, that they are such, claiming postponements and forgetfulness of a democracy always in power, in expectation, breaking today and each of its promises that sustain it as a legitimate and legal system, constituted and instituted.

Reactions to the phenomenon further aggravate the evil or collective illness. Misaligned in the diagnosis, each of the governing officials have no other tools than to point out that each of these manifestations only seek a practical and specific pierce the political strength of those who must administer, with the power of monopoly of the public, each and every one of the claims that constitute the entity of the real effective of the common.

If our social actors, regardless of the sector, do not realize that the main issue is to redefine and rethink the base and structure through the consequences, our notion of state has been sustained, politics will become simply a punitive mandateif not, it could lead to the tragedy of imposing, by force, the rule of a law, which long ago ceased to have a basis, a substratum that invokes and with it means, a redefinition of “people”, of the majority, masses

The answer is no longer enough electoral, which does not mean that we do without it. We are pointing out that it is a vaccine that prevents other males, such as the one that prevents measles, but in the public environment, a strain circulates for which we still do not have a vaccine or remedy.

Town, illustration by Pablo Temes.

Even though in each one of the villages, what is necessary is intended as the impossible, to put out the fires, believing that in this way we will be able to be better, the truth is that if we do not get to work on what is important, we run the severe risk to disintegrate, in a dispute of blind forces that lead us to the irrational bid between factions that think, feel and rightly claim to be “people”.

If those who have greater responsibilities do not realize the importance of giving an account, of giving value and of promoting, the indispensable reorganization of our essential precepts that make us part of a state, of that whole, of which no one gives up to see it in the other or in the others, then, we will continue counting conflicts, see them reproduce, and worsen, through the media, which daily tells us, or tells us, the number of hardships, inmates, deaths.

The agony of democracy requires and demands that we redefine the notion of the masses, of the people, of the constitution of majorities, of their expressiveness, and that we not remain paralyzed by what may happen with their transit in the time of the millennial history of the human and its forms and ways of organizing ourselves.

“The symbolic order has the universal discourse as its horizon. What hinders him is the object that he always particularizes… It is possible to fight it, but it is born every day, it sprouts from the group through all its pores”.

Incidents in the Plaza of the Three Powers of Brazil.

Miller, in the text, speaks to his fellow psychoanalysts about a school of psychoanalysis. Of course, without it being his intention, he is talking about something else, hence we quote him. Even in other passages it is mentioned that what he calls object a, is the particularization so that the signifier means the same thing for those who are understanding. He is quick to admit, an exercise, inevitably sectarian. Within the, in friendly terms, sect of psychoanalysis, as a good Lacanian, the aforementioned reaffirms the sectarian condition, of the current to which he belongs.

His words, however, have a full impact on the political news of our Western democracies.

Democracy, rooted in electoral matters, defined it as a necessary and sufficient condition, how to be such, makes us lose the capacity that lies in politics, as an instrument of power, to transform the basic aspects of society or the community into where it develops.

The electoral guarantee, where supposedly individual and public liberties are enshrined through voting (which is not an election but, in the best of cases, an option), paralyzes everything else that we can do in a social pact where they are established. clear premises or priorities. A compelling example would be that in none of our modern democracies an order of priority is established or at least a clear objectiveby which the administration in command, the government administration, with what this implies in terms of whether or not it maintains the support of the majority of those governed, or feels such officialism, being challenged by an opposition that proposes something else or other priorities.

Cristina Kirchner

To keep trying to be clearer. The reign of the gurus who offer the perfect campaign, the permanent electoral triumph and the adherence of the masses, has nothing to do with an indication of modern times or mere chance.

Electoralist democracy only proposes that we choose between leaders, between subjects, at most between tiny groups of them (as they are increasingly reduced, we find the obvious problem of the crisis of political parties or ideologies) that They will offer forms, techniques or mechanisms, of impact, so that they convince us that they are better than the others. The issue is resolved, the tension of power is resolved, if we like one candidate better, aesthetically, or sentimentally, or another, if a message armed with stories and unique effects reached us in a more convincing way.

Democracy becomes alienated, goes crazy, stops being reasonable, for a while, the exact time when another election is called (forced and forced). This democracy subject, within which we are all a constitutive part, separates us, divides us. On one side are those of us who like, or those who convinced us that blond hair is better, the one who wears such clothes, who reads such a book, or listens to such a musical group, above the other, who has such a profession, such color of skin. skin, or your ancestors belonged to a certain cultural community.

In political terms and in concepts, which have been extensively worked on by certain masters such as Arendt (The promise of politics) Y Derrida (history of lies), ask, demand, claim, request, from the democratic, from politics, and therefore from those who represent it (it, not us citizens or the people, as preferred) that is, politicians, notions such as the truth, the certain or the conscious, is at least hysterical, but typical of psychotic behavior.

In 2023 there will be elections in Argentina.

If we want to comprehend, understand, or even the impossible to change, such a logical language of the democratic, we will find it only if in the realm of the unconscious, in that non-place that, structured as one, is the other that is supposedly offered to us, through armed speeches, lengthy campaigns and postures of laughter and gestures.

Even more, when they make us want is when they govern us, in the kingdom of the desert of the real (when they want to tell us that ghosts do not exist or that they have been exterminated) the political and the democratic, stop, as in a parenthesis, for the coming parousia of what redeems us, and this is the reason why, in political and methodological terms, the only invariable of democracies is the exercise, we have to say masturbatory (since at least it pursues immediate pleasure) of the electoral

Democracy, politics, the unconscious, and the Lacanian ghost are the different meanings for which the great signifier of the vote, of the election, of political freedom, does not signify itself and gives us the sensation that everything can be in motion, without that nothing moves, from another plane, than the structure with which we feel, think and of which we are invariably unaware and do not tolerate.

Electoral matters operate as a sinthome, as the indispensable anchor with reality, with democracy, with the general will, with the desire that we continue to be part of a common space (the republic or public affairs) even though we are not part of it. of it (neither fairly, nor through desire) we do not even consider it.

Survey: the Frente de Todos surprises and surpasses Juntos por el Cambio by 4 points

In other words, we do not vote, nor do we want to, to validate what is democratic, but simply because it is the last loophole, before disorder prevails, that forces us to build or constitute a new order.

If we intend to continue, within public affairs, with a democratic sense, we must preserve it from the electoral trivialization to which we have been subjecting it.

Otherwise, we will deepen the accelerationism into which we have fallen, and one fine day, one of the many demonstrations that we attend, directly or by audiovisual means, will impose on us the disorder that will force us to a new order. The lack of the law as a symbolic father, as a phallic device, will become evident and in the despair that such uncertainty produces, we will cover it without an object that replaces it or that we have previously designed, imagined or desired and the word will go into the background, run for the sheer act.

* Novelist and essayist. He has published political philosophy books and novels. He is director of the Comunas del Litoral media outlet and has written numerous articles.

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